英国论文代写：后殖民女性主义理论
英国论文代写：后殖民女性主义理论。与普通的女性主义者相比，后殖民女性主义者遭受着一种双重殖民的形式。一端是作为殖民地臣民对殖民权力的反抗，另一端则是她在自己的国家里被殖民的兄弟们压迫。女权主义积极分子研究人员确实认为，她们对自己的状态有一定程度的失望。接下来英国论文代写专家将对后殖民女性主义理论进行以下分析。
在一些后殖民时代和当前的话语中，我们发现女权主义作家几乎呈现出对国家的一种修辞上的拒绝。有时，他们甚至有必要采纳非国家行为体的观点、意识形态和背书，以呈现与女权主义相关的抵抗政治。这并不意味着所有的女权主义辩论都集中在对抗国家和变得反民族主义，事实上，也有人支持国家的角色，民族主义和后殖民民族主义，当涉及到保护妇女权利时，“激烈的，几乎是修辞上的对国家的拒绝，他们对非国家行为体的不加批判的支持和他们意识形态驱动的抵抗政治受到了那些认为国家仍然是整个后殖民世界中妇女和其他少数群体权利和保护的最大来源的人的挑战”(Parashar 372)。然而，国家存在的不足和一些国家机构的失败也确实导致了像突尼斯和埃及这样的国家的人民质疑社会正义和平等要求。
导致性别平等问题的国家政策，让人们为了自己的权利而反抗和反抗国家。继续被排斥的女性的希望在于挑战体制、国家和体制。这里有一个反对民族主义理想的论点。可以推断，国家作为一种机构，在谈到后殖民民族主义情绪时被视为一种崇敬，现在被视为在后殖民女性主义态度的背景下被反对或改善的东西。改革国家，确保被边缘化和被排斥的女性重新获得她们的身份和社会平等，因此是那些寻求反对她们的国家的女权运动的核心。在后殖民时代的女性主义在这种背景下可以被理解为一种对第三世界国家的女性及其问题的理解，而不是仅仅理解西方文化中女性的经历。更多的是强调非西方女性在后殖民世界的政治、社会和经济影响，主张非西方女性的代表，如突尼斯和埃及，但也采取积极立场反对自己的国家和机构。正如赛义德的东方主义所揭示的那样，非殖民化国家的人们不仅在争取权利的方式上不同，而且他们甚至在发出声音方面也受到限制。这在突尼斯革命和埃及起义中可见一斑。
Compared to the normal feminist, the post-colonial feminist suffers a form of double colonization. At one end, there is the resistance to colonial power as a colonized subject, and at the other end, she is being oppressed in her own state by her colonized brothers (Tyagi 45). Feminist activist researchers have indeed argued a certain disenchantment with their state.
In some of the post-colonial and current discourses, it is identified that feminist writers almost present a rhetorical rejection of the state. Sometimes, it is even necessary for them to take up the opinion, ideology and endorsement of non-state actors in order to present politics of resistance as related to feminism. This does not necessarily mean that all feminism debates focus on antagonizing states and becoming anti-nationalistic, in fact, there are people who also support the role of the nation, nationalism and post-colonial nationalism when it comes to protecting women’ s rights, “vehement and almost rhetorical rejection of the state, their uncritical endorsement of non-state actors and their ideologically motivated politics of resistance has been challenged by those who believe that the state continues to be the biggest source of rights and protection for women and other minorities throughout the post-colonial world” (Parashar 372). However, it is also true that the inadequate presence of state and failure of some state institutions has led to people in countries like Tunisia and Egypt to question social justice and equality claims.
State policies that have led to gender issues of equality, created people segments revolting and rebelling against the state for their rights. The hope for women who continue to be excluded lay in challenging the system, the nation and the institution. Here then an argument is made against nationalistic ideals. It could be inferred that state as an institution which was considered with a reverence when it comes to post-colonial nationalistic sentiments, now comes to be viewed as something to be opposed or improved in the context of post-colonial feministic attitudes. Reforming the state and making sure the marginalized and excluded women segment get back their identity and social equality is hence at the heart of those feminism movements that seek to oppose their nations. Post-colonial feminism in this context can be understood as a form of response to understanding women in third world countries and their issues as opposed to just understanding the experiences of women in western culture. More emphasis is on the political, social and economic effects of non-western women in the post0colonial world, one that argued for the representation of non-western women like those in the countries of Tunisia and Egypt, but which also took up an active standpoint against their own nations, and institutions. As Said’ s orientalism reveals, people in decolonized countries are not only different in the way they fight for their rights, but also how they are restricted in even having a voice. This is observed in the Tunisian revolution and the Egyptian uprising.
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